Assignment:- You should have a minimum of five references, out of which, three should be from academic journals. The word limit for this term paper is 800 words, excluding in-text citation and bibliography. Do note if you exceed the word count by more than 10%, your final grade will be affected. Drawing on your experience and understanding of stakeholder engagement in the public sector (how governments engage citizens) OR commercial sector (how businesses engage their customers), discuss the following: Using a specific case study of your choice, evaluate the strategies and tactics that have been used to engage with the different stakeholder groups. In your answer, discuss the challenges that were encountered and the corresponding strategies that were used to address them. Evaluate the impact of the engagement effort on the overall success of the initiative/policy/programme. Word limit: 800, single spaced References:- Carol Soon & Yi Da Soh (2014) Engagement@web 2.0 between the government and citizens in Singapore: dialogic communication on Facebook?, Asian Journal of Communication, 24:1, 42-59 Purwanto, A., Zuiderwijk, A. and Janssen, M. (2020), “Citizen engagement with open government data: lessons learned from Indonesia’s presidential election”, Transforming Government: People, Process and Policy, doi: 10.1108/TG-06-2019-0051. Instruction:  Word Limit- 800  Reference work and formatting in MLA style  Typed solution required  AI solutions will be penalized/nMy to g their ins and ggres- »read- agage nally, who sney pi- is of 1- g Direct path of influence 212 Dominant code 215 Dominant ideology 214 Elaboration 203 Emphasis 203 Mainstreaming 208 Mass communication Mass media 200 199 Mean-world syndrome 207 Modeling 210 Motivation process 211 Need for orientation 202 Negotiated code 215 om process 211 Second level agenda setting 204 Selection 203 Self-produced motivation 211 Socially mediated path of influence 212 Symbolic double jeopardy 207 Vicarious motivation 211 Violence index 206 CASE STUDY 11: THE NEW (MEDIA) CULTURE WARS Evelyn and Doug were active in their retirement. They both spent a lot of time working for their community theater group, organizing fund- raisers, building sets, and selling tickets. As full as their life was, they missed their six grand- children, who lived several states away. Their world changed when they joined Facebook; now they could see pictures of Ella's junior prom and Kyle's first efforts at t-ball. They could "like" a funny post from Andy and express sympathy when Allison came down with a stomach virus. Although both Evelyn and Doug used the social media site, Evelyn, in particular, was a very active user. In fact, if anything, she might have been an "over liker." Whenever she saw a post that mentioned one of her favorite merchants or products, she liked it. Whenever she saw a post from a relative or former coworker, regardless of what it was about, she liked it. And whenever she saw anything about one of her favorite plays or actors or songs, she liked that, too. In fact, the more she "liked," the more she liked Facebook. Her news feed was filled with posts that were really interesting to her, and her social network expanded to include people she had never actually met but who shared a lot of common interests. Despite her expanding net- work, however, Evelyn remained nervous about fully using the site. She knew how to comment on posts and accept friend requests, of course, (Continued) CHAPTER 11 · MASS COMMUNICATION 210 "Wait, wh "There ar that post stor these things w TV. but they a tating these c "Um, Gr (Continued) but she was still nervous about using the mes- senger function, or how to share a story, and she had absolutely no idea how to post a photograph or video. On the few occasions she had done any of these things, she had one of her grand- kids sitting next to her showing her how to do it. Despite her best efforts to pay attention, the whole thing was just too nerve wracking for her, so she just chose not to do any of those things. One day, one of her new Facebook friends, Rose, posted a story about the proposed federal budget, which was described as eliminating all funding to the arts. Rose was horrified by this possibility, and Evelyn quickly posted a com- ment supporting Rose's assessment. After that first story, it seemed like every day her friends were posting new stories about the budget cuts to the arts. Each story provided more details about the cuts, providing draco- nian estimates of the impact it would have on all aspects of the arts. Not only would the cuts elim- inate the National Endowment for the Arts, but the cuts also affected art education at all levels. The stories suggested that even kindergartners would no longer have finger paints or paste, and that nonprofit groups associated with the arts would lose their nonprofit status. Evelyn was outraged! What was even more shocking was that the mainstream media was not reporting on any of it. "Typical," Evelyn thought. "If it isn't sports, weather, or people kill- ing people, why would they bother covering it?" One day, one of her friends posted informa- tion about an online petition. To join the peti- tion, subscribers were directed to a web link; once they clicked on the link, they were asked to provide their name, address, phone number, and e-mail address. Evelyn completed it and hit "send," grateful that she could add her voice against the senseless cuts. Soon afterward, she noticed that her com- puter was not working very well. It was processing very slowly, and she was no longer able to con- nect to some of her favorite sites. In fact, she was having trouble connecting to Facebook! Her world became much smaller for a time. She was stuck with her in-person friends because she could no longer follow and respond to her online friends. She was stuck reading the daily newspaper and watching the nightly news, which of course focused only on the positives of the proposed federal budget. It was 2 months before she saw Andy, her oldest grandchild. Andy started teasing her about taking a "social media break." "Grandma, I'm kinda offended that you aren't writing 'LOL' on my very witty posts," Andy said. "What, have you moved onto Instagram or Snapchat? Or is there a new social media plat- form for the geriatric set?" "I'm sure you have been as funny as usual, Andy, but I think my computer is too old. Stop smirking, I said my computer, not me! For some reason, it's running really slowly, and I can't connect to a lot of my favorite sites," Evelyn explained. "Sounds like you have some malware, Grandma. Do you remember clicking on some- thing right before the computer started having problems?" Evelyn thought about it. She knew that she had been actively reading stories about arts funding, but she wasn't sure what might have been a problem. "Not really, Andy. I've been doing a lot of reading about that fool-for-a-president's budget cuts to the arts, but everything I was reading was sent to me by a friend, so I doubt that there could have been anything wrong there," Evelyn replied. "Whoa! I thought you liked our president. What made you change your mind?" Andy asked. "He's going to eliminate all funding to the arts! No more art classes in school! And our community theater group will lose our nonprofit status!" Evelyn fumed. APPLYING COMMUNICATION THEORY FOR PROFESSIONAL LIFE been reading The presid classes in s districts det doesn't. And code that e I think we literacy." Question 1. C fr F f 2. 220 "Wait, what? Where did you hear that?" "There are all of these news organizations that post stories on Facebook! You would think these things would be covered in the paper or on TV, but they are completely ignoring how devas- tating these cuts are!" she exclaimed. "Um, Grandma, I think maybe you have been reading a lot of fake news," Andy replied. "The president couldn't cut funding for art classes in schools even if he wanted-school districts determine what gets funded and what doesn't. And I don't think he can change the tax code that easily. After I get rid of the malware, I think we need to have a little lesson in media literacy." 4 3. CHAPTER ELEVEN MASS COMMUNICATION "T he past decades have witnessed thousands of empirical stud- ies into the cognitive, emotional, attitudinal, and behavioral effects of media on children and adults" (Valkenburg & Peter, 2013, p. 221). Results suggest that exposure to TV, movies, music, and other media forms is associated with childhood obesity, sexual activity, use of tobacco products, drug and alcohol use, low aca- demic achievement, and attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (St. George, 2008). Whew! With such negative consequences, why do we continue to allow the media into our lives? Perhaps it is because such a dismal view oversimplifies our complex relationship with the media. For many of us, the media provide both personal and professional opportunities for development. After all, Sesame Street really can teach our children, and the opportunity to surf the web can simplify our quest for information. Moreover, despite the commonly held view of negative media effects, scholarly research often conflicts with popular beliefs and even contradicts other scholars' work. Intellectual and political debate remain over who are most affected, to what extent these individuals are influenced, and why some people are more affected than others. In this chapter, we present four of the most influential and often controversial theories that attempt to explain and predict media use and media effects: agenda-setting theory, cultivation theory, social cognitive theory of mass media, and encoding/decoding theory. First, however, we discuss exactly what we mean by mass media. CHARACTERISTICS OF MASS MEDIA Mass communication and mass media are decidedly different from mediated communication and social media. Mediated communica- tion includes all messages in which there is a device, third party, or electronic mechanism that facilitates communication between the sender and receiver. By contrast, mass communication "is a process Learning Objectives After reading this chapter, you will be able to do the following: 1. Discuss the five characteristics of mass communication/mass media 2. Describe and apply the elements of framing to current news stories 3. Explain the process of cultivation via mainstreaming, resonance, and symbolic double jeopardy 4. Relate the process of observational learning and modeling to media violence 5. Differentiate between three ways of reading messages, using preferred, negotiated, or oppositional codes 6. Compare and contrast major theoretical approaches to mass media 7. Provide systematic understanding of a professional situation by applying theories of mass communication 199 6 Epiphany in which professional communicators use technology to share messages over great distances to influence large audiences" (Pearson, Nelson, Titsworth, & Harter, 2008, p. 3). Note the source could be an announcer, reporter, writer, and so on, while the technology used to mediate the mass message could include fiber optics, satellites, cable, radio waves, and printing presses to name a few. In turn, the mass media include organizations respon- sible for using technology to send mass messages to the public. Mass communication and the mass media are intertwined; without organizations and agencies to create, produce, and transmit the message content, reaching a mass audience would be difficult. If all of these distinctions seem confusing, remember this: all mass communication is mediated but not all mediated messages are mass communication. McQuail (2010) identified five key characteristics of the mass media that have stood the test of time, despite advances in technology and the decrease in some mediums. First. and noted in Chapter 10, the mass media are able to reach an enormous amount of peo- ple instantly or almost instantly with information, entertainment, or opinions. However, while the mass communication sender can promptly reach a large audience, feedback from these receivers back to the source is typically much, much slower. For example, if you want to comment on an article written in your local print newspaper or favorite magazine, you need to write a letter or send an e-mail to the editor. The letter may or may not be read, published, or otherwise acknowledged. Likewise, if you want to complain about "lewd" content on a supposed family friendly TV show, you must write, e-mail, or attempt a phone call. Again, the show's producer may or may not receive, read, or otherwise acknowledge your message. With emerging and interactive media tech- nologies, this slow feedback process is not always the case (think about texting your vote to America's Got Talent or The Voice). Nonetheless, the quality of feedback the audience can provide is often much less rich than in interpersonal communication. A second characteristic offered by McQuail (2010) argues that the media continue to inspire universal fascination. Again, the popular technologies may change (from sit- ting around the radio listening to Abbott and Costello to watching streaming video via Netflix), but people's preoccupation with shared stories continues. Likewise, a third feature of mass media is that it can rouse, in equal measure, hope and fear in audiences. Think about the U.S. presidential election of 2016; it seems almost everyone in the United States watched endless news coverage on television, posted on Facebook, and tweeted their feelings about the candidates-some celebrated the victory of President Trump while others watched his ascendency to the presidency with despair. The fourth property of mass media noted by McQuail (2010) concerns the relation- ship between the media and other sources of societal power. Unlike other types of com- munication noted in this book, the mass media influence and are influenced by the four sources of social power identified by Mann (2012): economic, ideological, military, and political power. Most mass media are funded by advertising. By emphasizing consumer- ism, either directly through advertisements or indirectly through product placement, sponsoring a national sporting event, or drawing attention to characters' dress, hairstyles, and homes, the media can encourage our shopping and spending habits. To illustrate, research indicates that the more young adults watch or read about celebrity culture and lifestyles, the more materialistic they are (Lewallen, Miller, & Behm-Morawitz, 2016). In terms of ideological power, most Americans can agree that a key term associ- ated with the 2016 American presidential election was "fake news." What is fascinating is what people consider to be fake news; it seems that one's political ideology influences what people view as "fake." Although predating the election, Garrett, Weeks, and Neo (2016) found that biased news site use promotes inaccurate beliefs, leading to partisan belief gaps. Put in simpler terms, the media outlet that one chooses to watch can lead to very different beliefs about the political world. Indeed, consider the role of the media during political campaigns. According to CBS news, candidates for the presidency in 2016 spent $6.8 billion in their efforts to win the election-more than the $6 billion per year that Americans spend on cereal, the $5.4 billion they spend on pet grooming, or the $5.4 billion they spend on legal marijuana (Berr, 2016). Interestingly, this figure is down from the 2012 election, but that doesn't mean that the media played a diminished role. Trump bought fewer televi- sion ads than predicted, in part because he "benefited from huge amounts of free press" (Berr, 2016, '3). We may not like those negative attack ads squeezed in between our primetime TV viewing or the news (real or fake) that appears on our Facebook feeds, but clearly it is influential. Economic power also influences and is influenced by the media. Boomgaarden, van Spanje, Vliegenthart, and De Vreese (2010) found that media coverage strongly influenced public perceptions of the national economy. Further, the lack of scrutiny with which commercial journalists reported on subprime mortgages and the housing rise and fall in the United States is believed to have influenced the public's opinions about the safety of home loans and subsequent panic when the bubble burst, contributing to the market collapse (Longobardi, 2009). Finally, McQuail's (2010) fifth characteristic of the media is the assumption that it is a source of enormous power and influence. For instance, the media influence social reality-that which we perceive to be true. The 6 o'clock evening news provides viewers with information, but that information is edited, and other stories are omitted. The news stories presented may or may not be complete, accurate, or reliable. After the Boston Marathon bombing in 2013, the FBI criticized the Associated Press, the Boston Globe, the BBC, CNN, Fox News, and other news organizations for hastily and inaccurately reporting that a Saudi suspect had been apprehended well before any suspects were arrested (Williams, 2013). In a rush to be first with breaking news, imprecise, misleading, or incorrect stories can result, thereby creating unintended consequences. The alleged "Saudi suspect" turned out to be an injured witness, who due to the false reports, ended up receiving threatening e-mails, forcing him to leave his home (Chaudary, 2013). The point here isn't to demonize news organizations; rather, it is to highlight the power the media have. The theories featured in this chapter focus on the media's power and influence-the ways and the extent to which various media influence receivers. Again, the four theories are agenda-setting theory, cultivation theory, social cognitive theory of mass communi- cation, and encoding/decoding theory. According to these theories of mass communica- tion influence, although mass media can't make us watch, read, or listen, when we do participate as audience members, we are transformed in some way. APPLYING COMMUNICATION THEORY FOR PROFESSIONAL LIFE CHAPTER 11 · MASS COMMUNICATION 201 AGENDA-SETTING THEORY McCombs and Shaw (1972; McCombs, Shaw, & Weaver, 2014) were among the first communication scholars to test and support their ideas of media influence within the realm of political news. Before their study of the 1968 presidential campaign, it was widely held that the news media simply reflected the public's interests, covering issues about which audience members already knew or wanted to understand in more detail. In this way, many assumed the news media simply act as mirrors of public interest. According to this viewpoint, extensive coverage of the size of the crowds at Trump's ral- lies was because the American viewing public wanted to learn about it. McCombs and Shaw (1972), however, had a hunch that something wasn't quite right with the "news media as a reflection of society" theory. Instead, they argued that public opinion is actually shaped, in part, by media coverage-particularly with regard to political news and campaigns. Rather than the news media simply provid- ing a reflection of the public's interests, McCombs and Shaw posited the reverse equation-that is, the public mirrors what is presented by the news media. In other words, McCombs and Shaw conceived the news media present audiences with an agenda for what events the public should consider as important-this view is known as first level (or primary) agenda setting. McCombs and Shaw (1972) tested this first level agenda-setting function of the news media, relying on two key assumptions. First, they argued that the news media have an agenda. That is, the news media tell audiences what "news" to consider as important. However, the media's agenda is somewhat limited. That is, the primary agenda-setting function proposes that news media provide "not what to think ... but what to think about" (emphasis added; Cohen, 1963, p. 13). Second, McCombs and Shaw (1972; McCombs et al., 2014) posited that people's need for orientation influences the extent to which the agenda-setting function shapes public thought. This need for orientation depends both on a topic's relevance as well as on a person's uncertainty about a given issue. McCombs and Shaw argued that most people need such assistance when trying to understand and evaluate the complex world of politics. Consequently, audience members who need help determining political realities come to rely on news media to point out topics of importance. For example, in 2017, the city of Philadelphia levied a beverage tax on all sweetened drinks-from juice, to sports drinks, to soda (locally known as the "soda tax")-as a means of increasing revenue to fund the city's early childhood education initiatives, public library renovations, and city park maintenance (Aubrey, 2017). As this legislation was introduced, debated, and passed, the city's residents, merchants, and beverage workers likely had a high need for orientation. How much will this tax increase my family's grocery bill? Or a college student's meal plan? How will this tax affect consumer spending, vender revenue, and manufacturing? How will profits of the tax be spent? Is such a tax even legal? Whereas, people living just outside the city limits and who don't work or regularly visit the city likely wouldn't have a need for orientation. They don't care much about the issue because it really didn't affect them. Returning to McCombs and Shaw (1972), they drew on these assumptions and used media coverage of the 1968 presidential election as an opportunity to study APPLYING COMMUNICATION THEORY FOR PROFESSIONAL LIFE 202 agenda-setting theory. They predicted a causal relationship between the news media's coverage of the candidates (Richard Nixon and Hubert Humphrey) and subsequent vot- ers' perceptions. In other words, McCombs and Shaw hypothesized that voter perceptions of Nixon and Humphrey and their campaign election issues would form after and based on the content of campaign coverage presented within various media outlets. To test their prediction, McCombs and Shaw (1972) used two central criteria for mea- suring the media's agenda: length and position of a news story. Newsprint and broadcast news media (such as TV or radio) contain limited space or time for reporting a given story. Furthermore, on TV and radio, time is money. Similarly, for newspapers and news maga- zines, space is money; like TV and radio, advertisers and subscribers support the publica- tions to the extent that not every news story can possibly be reported in any one publication. What McCombs and Shaw (1972) found, and what other researchers have contin- ued to support through numerous studies of the subject (see McCombs et al. 2014), is a clear link between what the news media present to audiences and what the audiences perceive of the issues reported. Although their initial study could only find a correla- tion, not causality (see Chapter 2 for a discussion of causation), subsequent researchers were able to support the causal relationship through experimental research studies (e.g., Iyengar, Peters, & Kinder, 1982). In other words, these researchers found that what the news media present as important is then perceived by the public as important. This causal notion of agenda setting is further developed through framing. "Framing" the News and Second Level Agenda Setting The news media's success in telling viewers and readers "what to think about" stems from how the media frame issues (McCombs & Shaw, 1972). Much like an art gal- lery director's choice of which frame to place around a given painting, the media have been shown to frame news events. Whereas the gallery director chooses a frame that highlights or deemphasizes certain features of the painting, perhaps nuances in color or angular shaping of objects, news media gatekeepers-the handful of news editors who set the agenda-also select, emphasize, elaborate, and even exclude news stories or parts of news stories to create a certain effect for the audience. As Griffin (2003) reported, "75% of stories that come across a news desk are never printed or broadcast" (p. 394). This is probably a good thing because it is estimated the average person can only fol- low three to five ongoing news stories at a time. However, when considering the large number of news stories, or parts of news stories, left on the editing room floor, it may give you pause to wonder what has been left out. If you are interested, Project Censored, associated with the media literacy organization Media Freedom Foundation, identifies "the News that Didn't Make the News" every year. Although it is difficult to know which stories or aspects of stories have been excluded, a savvy reader or viewer can take a criti- cal examination of the news event presented. Table 11.1 provides an overview of framing through the processes of selection, emphasis, elaboration, and exclusion. We should note that although agenda setting focuses on the gatekeeping ability of the media, other people besides journalists, editors, and broadcasters can influence the media agenda. Public relations professionals, lobbyists, advertisers, and even the CHAPTER 11 · MASS COMMUNICATION 203 president of the United States can influence what the media cover as news (Eshbaugh- Soha, 2013; Huckins, 1999; Peake, 2001). Accordingly, media professionals might, either consciously or unconsciously, frame news coverage, but it can also be deliberately manip- ulated by other parties. Framing also brings us to the theory's growth by extension and addition of sec- ond level agenda-setting, or attribute agenda setting (Ghanem, 1997; McCombs & Evatt, 1995; McCombs et al., 2014). Whereas first-level agenda setting focuses on the Table 11.1 Framing the News Process Example in Action Selection: What stories are chosen? · "Since the 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States, covering the type of violence inspired by al-Qaeda and the Islamic State (IS) has become a staple of the news media's repertoire Collectively, this reporting increases the public's sense of vulnerability: An evil is out there, unpredictable and ferocious, sure to strike again." (Seib, 2017, 12) Emphasis: What focus or tone is taken? . "Cellphone videos of screaming victims; details of first responders' hectic efforts: "Was it terrorism?" guesswork: speculation about the perpetrator" (Seib, 2017, 111) Elaboration: What details are included to round out the story? · "Western reporting about IS-inspired terrorist attacks almost always, explicitly or implicitly, notes a connection to Islam." (Seib, 2017, 16) · "The news media do not cover all terrorist attacks the same way. Rather, they give drastically more coverage to attacks by Muslims, particularly foreign-born Muslims- even though those are far less common than other kinds of terrorist attacks." (Kearns, Betus, & Lemieux, 2017, 1[4) Exclusion: What aspects of the situation are not reported? · "The complexities of terrorism and Islam. Who are these people who murder so wantonly? Why do they do it? And, most importantly, how might such attacks be stopped?" (Selb, 2017, 14) · "Islam usually disappears from the news until the next tragedy, even though approximately 80 percent of Muslims live outside the Arab world in countries of rising importance such as Indonesia, Pakistan and Nigeria." (Seib. 2017, 18) . "Coverage should also address state-sponsored extremism, most notably Saudi Arabia's well-funded promotion of Wahabbist Muslim ideology. This fundamentalist doctrine is intrinsically separatist and lends itself to militancy. It provides a purported theological rationale for treating moderate Muslims- as well as non-Muslims-as enemies." (Seib, 2017, 1[9) media telling audiences what to think about through length and position of a selected story, expansion of the theory led to the investigation of second-level agenda setting. Second-level agenda setting proposes that the manner in which stories are framed influences audiences' attitudes and how to think about the issues covered (Ghanem, 1997). That is, the manner in which a frame is prepared-how and what features of a story are selected, emphasized, elaborated, and excluded-affects public opinion about that issue. There has been extensive research on the influence of second-level agenda setting, ranging from the attitudinal effects of political advertising (Golan, Kiousis, McDaniel, 2007), to coverage and framing of the mass shooting in Aurora Colorado (Holody & Daniel, 2017), to coverage and framing of the BP oil spill (Kleinnijenhuis, Schultz, Utz, & Oegema, 2015). Emerging research on agenda setting theory is also investigating a third-level: the interplay of how social networks (horizontal media) and traditional (vertical) media interact to influence public opinion (McCombs et al., 2014). Obviously, the news media do not affect every issue or every audience member, and those who are affected will not necessarily be affected in the same way. As McCombs and Bell (1974) argued, even with the media's ability to influence, our thoughts, opin- ions, and actions are not predetermined by the news media's agenda. Certain issues are more likely to influence audience thought, and certain individuals are more likely to be influenced by these issues. Aligning with McCombs and Shaw's (1972; McCombs et al., 2014) assumption of need for orientation, the media are particularly effective in creating public interest in political issues, such as stories about the candidates and their campaign strategies. Similarly, social issues such as human rights violations, chronic disease, and teen violence also seem to create a high need for orientation. Agenda-setting theory states that gatekeepers selectively determine an agenda for what's news. By selecting, excluding, emphasizing, and elaborating certain aspects of the news, public opinions are inevitably shaped and influenced. Thus, the news media influ- ence their audiences to think about selected issues in a certain light. CULTIVATION THEORY Like agenda setting, cultivation theory also emphasizes media effects. Unlike agenda- setting theory, which has been used to study the framing of news within a variety of media, the origins of cultivation theory focus almost exclusively on one medium: TV (Gerbner, 1998; Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, & Signorelli, 1980; Signorelli, Gerbner, & Morgan, 1995). Specifically, George Gerbner and colleagues have spent nearly $ decades specifically examining the portrayal of violence on TV. These researchers argue the ines- capable violent content of TV programming influences audiences' view of social reality. Specifically, cultivation theory predicts viewers who watch lots of TV will overestimate the occurrence of real-life violence, thereby perceiving the world as a "mean and scary" place. Before explaining cultivation theory's causal thesis in more detail, we explain sev- eral assumptions. First, cultivation theory assumes TV has become central to American life and cul- ture (Gerbner, 1998). Nearly 99% of Americans have at least one TV in their home and watch, on average, 5 hours of live TV programming each day. Couple this with the fact APPLYING COMMUNICATION THEORY FOR PROFESSIONAL LIFE CHAPTER 11 · MASS COMMUNICATION 205 that 50% of people also have streaming services such as Netflix or Hulu, and the result is that people are consuming over 10 hours of media content every day (Koblin, 2016). Because of its ubiquity, Gerbner believes TV has become the principal source of stories and storytelling in the United States. Whereas neighbors and family members used to gather around the dinner table, sit on the front porch, or stand on the street corner shar- ing stories about what happened during the day or recounting the local gossip, individu- als and families now watch endless hours of police procedurals, and watercooler gossip is centered around who got kicked off the reality show du jour. Thus, Gerbner maintains TV has usurped personal conversation, books, religion, and any other medium as the primary source for storytelling and that the stories being told are not "from anyone with anything relevant to tell. They come from a small group of distant conglomerates with something to sell" (Gerbner, 1998, p. 176). Second, cultivation theory assumes TV influences audience perceptions of social reality, thereby shaping American culture in terms of how individuals reason and relate with others (Gerbner, 1998). In other words, through TV's selective and mass-produced depiction of current events, stories, dramas, comedies, and the like, only certain aspects of social life are presented. Gerbner does not suggest TV programming seeks to per- suade audiences to think or act in a particular way; instead, he argues that the repeti- tive representation of commercialized social life is what audiences come to expect and believe as more or less normative. A final assumption is that TV's effects are limited (Gerbner, 1998), meaning TV is not the only factor-or necessarily the greatest factor-that affects an individual's view of social reality. Although this statement of "limited effects" sounds like backpedaling, Gerbner et al. (1980) argued that the consistency of TV's effect is more telling than its magnitude. In other words, the effects of TV may not be huge, but they are consistently present and do make a significant difference in the way people think, feel, and interact. Starting With Violence Although cultivation theory is now focused on issues other than violence, Gerbner and colleagues were originally interested in the extent to which TV fostered a "mean and scary world" thanks to the frequency of violent programming. First, Gerbner and col- leagues (Gerbner et al., 1980; Signorelli et al., 1995) have defined violence as the "overt expression of physical force (with or without weapon, against self or others) compelling action against one's will on pain of being hurt and/or killed or threatened to be so victim- ized as part of the plot" (p. 280). This definition includes cartoon violence, comedic or humorous violence, and so-called accidental violence. Notably, the definition excludes more ambiguous messages such as verbal assaults, threats, and inconsequential gestures, such as sticking out one's tongue or giving someone the finger. Using this definition of violence, Gerbner and his associates (Gerbner et al., 1980; Signorelli et al., 1995) then created the violence index, an objective research instrument that uses content analysis to measure the prevalence, frequency, and role of characters involved in TV violence (for an overview, see Chapter 2). Researchers have assessed vio- lence annually and have studied more than 50 years of TV programming. Year after year, they have repeatedly found that the prevalence, frequency, and role of TV violence during daytime (8:00 a.m. to 2:00 p.m.) and primetime programming (8:00 p.m. to 11:00 p.m.) differ little. In fact, more than half of primetime programs contain violent content, with about five violent acts per episode; children's programs are worse, averaging 20 violent acts per hour. Heroes and villains alike engage in equal amounts of violence. Not only does research indicate TV shows are markedly violent, cultivation research also illustrates an imbalance with regard to who is victimized (Gerbner, 1998). Specifically, the victims of TV violence are disproportionately of minority backgrounds; African American, Latino, underprivileged, elderly, disabled, or female TV characters are more likely to be victims of violence than are White, middle-class male characters. Moreover, Gerbner's 30-plus years of research shows these same minority groups are vastly underrepresented during primetime. For example, Tukachinsky, Mastro, and Yarchi (2015) conducted a content analysis of the most frequently viewed television shows over a 20-year period. They concluded that there was a severe underrepresenta- tion of Latinos, Asian Americans, and Native Americans. Moreover, media portrayals of these groups were stereotypical. In other words, a symbolic double jeopardy exists in which minority persons are significantly less visible on TV than in real life, and these minority TV characters are much more likely to be portrayed as victims of violence. Not surprisingly, then, minority audience members worry the most about being victimized as a result of TV viewing. What Effects? For Whom? The media do not affect everyone; cultivation theory predicts individuals' social atti- tudes change as their TV viewing increases. In other words, the more TV you watch, the more likely you are to view the world in a way consistent with TV reality. Gerbner et al. (1980) separated heavy viewers, or "television types," from light viewers. Television types average 4 or more hours of TV viewing each day, whereas light viewers report watching 2 hours of TV or less each day. As predicted, television types erroneously believed their chances of being involved with violence were 1,000 times greater than crime statistics suggest; these viewers overestimated criminal and police activity and were more likely to agree with statements such as "most people will take advantage of you if they could" (Gerbner et al., 1980). Gerbner called this phenomenon the mean-world syndrome, whereby heavy viewers significantly overestimate real-life danger. Figure 11.1 depicts the differences between heavy and light TV viewers. Televised reality doesn't match actual reality, and heavy viewers are partially influenced by TV reality, whereas light viewers are not. Interestingly, research indicates light viewers select certain programs to watch and then turn the TV off, whereas heavy viewers tend to graze, watching whatever shows catch their attention (Gerbner, 1998). How Else Is Reality Distorted? In addition to a focus on violence, more recent research using cultivation the- ory has focused on differing perceptions of other social issues as a consequence of APPLYING COMMUNICATION THEORY FOR PROFESSIONAL LIFE CHAPTER 11 · MASS COMMUNICATION 207 Figure 11.1 Heavy Versus Light TV Viewers' Attitudes Television Reality Reality Heavy TV Viewer Light TV Viewer watching TV. For example, an increasing number of studies have focused on media images of women and how the media influence individuals' perceptions of "healthy" or normal body image. Nabi (2009) assessed the frequency of viewing physical makeover programs and found heavy viewers of such programs were more dissatisfied with their appearance and expressed greater likelihood of undergoing plastic surgery than light viewers of this type of programming. Others have looked at the relationship between media images and general beliefs about obesity and disordered eating (Gentles & Harrison, 2006; Hesse-Biber, Leavy, Quinn, & Zoino, 2006). Moving beyond the effects of TV, still other researchers have looked successfully at other media forms for cultivation effects. To illustrate, Park (2008) found frequent exposure to print advertisements for drugs to treat depression was associated with a dis- torted sense of the likelihood an individual would develop clinical depression. Vergeer, Lubbers, and Scheepers (2000) found heavy newspaper viewing of ethnic crime was associated with a greater perceived threat by ethnic minorities. Still, other scholars have begun investigating whether cultivation can take place through movies, video games, and even virtual reality experiences. How Does Cultivation Take Place and With What Effect? Finally, cultivation theory research suggests viewers' attitudes are cultivated in two ways: mainstreaming and resonance (Gerbner, 1998). Mainstreaming implies viewers- heavy viewers in particular-develop a common view of social reality based on their frequent exposure to the repetitive and dominating images, stories, and messages depicted on TV. Thus, these television types are likely to perceive the world in ways that parallel TV's theatrical portrayal of life-as more corrupt, more crime ridden, more attractive, more sexualized, and so on. Resonance is the second way cultivation is thought to occur (Gerbner, 1998). Resonance involves congruency between viewers' own violent experiences and those they see on TV. In other words, when individuals who have actually faced acts of vio- lence in their own lives then watch violent TV programming, they are forced to replay their own life situations again and again. The TV violence reinforces, or resonates, with their personal experiences and only serves to amplify their suspicion of a mean and scary world while rejecting the vision of a life without such aggression. Similarly, if a person feels as though he or she has been victimized in other ways (being discriminated against because of sex, physical appearance, affectional preference, and so forth), viewing such actions on TV amplifies feelings that such behavior is the norm. Cultivation theory assumes the power of TV is ubiquitous and that its primary mes- sage (violence) doesn't reflect reality in any consistent way. Moreover, TV programming negatively affects heavy viewers by creating a distorted attitude about people and the world. While the theory's main focus has emphasized TV violence, the same principles of cultivation have been extended to other domains, such as media's influence on young adults' perceptions of homosexuality (Calzo & Ward, 2009), the relationship between videogamers' acceptance of racial stereotypes (Behm-Morawitz & Ta, 2014), early ado- lescents' media use and attitudes about sex (Malacane & Martins, 2017), and body image ideals (Van Vonderen & Kinnally, 2012). SOCIAL COGNITIVE THEORY OF MASS COMMUNICATION Bandura's (1977, 1986, 1994, 2001) social cognitive theory of mass communication, originally developed as an extension of social learning theory, has been widely used to study the media's influence on behavior, particularly to understand the relationship between media use and violent behavior. In contrast to cultivation theory's predic- tion that heavy television viewing distorts people's attitudes and perceptions of social reality, social cognitive theory posits that the media play a significant role in influenc- ing behavior through observational learning. We discuss several assumptions of social cognitive theory next. First, whereas social learning theory can apply quite broadly-from learning how to break up with a romantic partner to learning how to perform CPR-Bandura's develop- ment of social cognitive theory demonstrates specific concern with mass media's influ- ence on cultural ideology. Like Gerbner, Bandura (2001) was particularly concerned with the mass media's ubiquity and social construction of reality, arguing that "heavy exposure to [television's] symbolic world may eventually make the televised images appear to be the authentic state of human affairs" (p. 282). In other words, the mass media, and TV in particular, are tremendously influential in shaping our view of what is "normal." A second assumption of social cognitive theory is one's ability to self-reflect (Bandura, 2001). Stated differently, humans are not only actors but also self-examiners of CHAPTER 11 · MASS COMMUNICATION 209 APPLYING COMMUNICATION THEORY FOR PROFESSIONAL LIFE 208 their behavior. This metacognitive activity can be both rightful as well as faulty. You can have accurate self-reflections about the appropriateness of your behavior at the office holiday party, just as you can have wildly distorted ones. The quality of the self-reflection depends in part on the deductive reasoning process, information used in the assessment, and one's own biases. Beyond the cultivating power of the mass media and humans' self-reflective abilities, Bandura's (1977) most central claim is that "most human behavior is learned observationally through modeling: from observing others one forms an idea of how new behaviors are performed, and on later occasions this coded information serves as a guide for action" (p. 22). In other words, you can learn plenty about relationships, social norms, and acceptable behavior simply by taking note of what others do (and of the consequences) in particular situations. Bandura also maintained that learning through vicarious, observational modeling saves individuals time and embarrassment from using a behavioral trial-and-error approach; "learning would be exceedingly laborious, not to mention hazardous, if people had to rely solely on the effects of their own actions to inform them what to do" (p. 22). This notion of learning through vicarious observation contrasts with classical learning theory. According to classical learning, humans learn primarily through the trial and error of doing, by improving on their own actions, not through observational modeling. Intuitively, however, Bandura's (1977, 1986) idea of learning through obser- vation makes sense. For example, even if you are not a parent right now, you probably have learned quite a bit about raising children from observation-from reflecting on your own parents' child-rearing methods, as well as by watching friends, siblings, and TV parents interact with their children. Thus, social cognitive theorists believe you can learn quite a bit by watching what others do (and don't do) and by noting oth- ers' reactions to your behaviors. You can then decide which behaviors to emulate and which to overlook. Four Processes of Observational Learning Certainly, not every child who watches Looney Tunes or SpongeBob lashes out and hits other kids over the head, just as not every adult who watches Big Little Lies or Scandal is having an affair. Other factors come into play. Guided by four processes or "subfunc- tions," social cognitive theory maintains observational learning is more than monkey see, monkey do (Bandura, 2001). Rather, modeling is based on attention, retention, repro- duction, and motivational processes. Figure 11.2 provides an overview. Attention Processes. Using social cognitive theory, you can't learn much if you don't actually observe and pay attention to a particular behavior. Thus, selective attention to a given situation is critical. Bandura (1977, 2001) noted an attention process is determined by both the observer's characteristics and the arrangement of intended behaviors. In other words, the observer needs to be attentive, and the actions in ques- tion need to be worthy of notice. Obviously, TV stations and other mass media out- lets want to make money. To do so, they need audiences. Programmers, scriptwriters, advertisers, and even actors need viewers' attention. Bright colors, rapid edits, the use APPLYING COMMUNICATION THEORY FOR PROFESSIONAL LIFE 216 of popular songs, dazzling special effects, violence, and sex are just a few of the ways the media seek to gain our attention. Retention Processes. Learning through observational modeling is not inherently a negative process. In fact, learning by observing has many positive aspects. For example, you can learn how to cook by watching The Chew on ABC. Social cognitive theory posits humans can learn without actually engaging in a particular behavior if they can visually and verbally store the images to which they have attended (Bandura, 1977, 2001). In other words, the retention process allows you to learn from the observed behaviors. That said, the modeling process is more complicated than simply watching and mir- roring another's behavior. Instead, observational learning is a cognitive process wherein individuals observe, organize, remember, and mentally rehearse behavior (Bandura, 1977). "Observers who code modeled activities into either words, concise labels, or vivid imagery learn and retain behavior better than those who simply observe or are mentally preoccupied with other matters while watching" (p. 26). Behavioral Reproduction Processes. It only makes sense that to engage in a modeled behavior, one must have the motor skills necessary to reproduce the activity in question. You might attend to and remember how to tie a chicken before roasting, but if you do not have the strength, coordination, or motor skills necessary, you will not be able to replicate the behavior with much success. As Bandura (1977) noted, in the reproduction pro- cess, individuals can typically execute a fairly accurate demonstration of a new behavior through modeling; they then refine the action through self-corrective adjustments based on feedback and focused demonstrations of behavioral segments only learned in part. Additionally, social cognitive theory maintains that "modeling is not merely a process of behavioral mimicry, as commonly misconstrued .... Subskills must be improvised to suit varying circumstances" (Bandura, 2001, p. 275). Think about learning how to parallel park. You might have practiced successfully in an empty parking lot, using orange cones, rather than automobiles, as markers. Now think about parallel parking between real cars in a con- gested downtown area during rush hour or on a decline with a crying baby in the backseat. The essential principles of parking and mechanics of the behavior are virtually the same; however, the conditions in which the behavior occurs can influence your ability to com- plete the task. Thus, you must assess and adjust the behavior based on the circumstance. Motivational Processes. The last piece of observational learning related to social cog- nitive theory is motivation (Bandura, 1977, 2001). To go from observation to action requires the ability to replicate the behavior as well as the desire, or motivation, to use the learned action. The motivation process is inspired by three types of incentives: direct, vicarious, and self-produced (Bandura, 2001). Direct motivation is more likely when you perceive you will be rewarded as a consequence of modeling an observed behavior. If, however, you perceive you will be punished as a result, your motivation to use the behavior diminishes. Vicarious motivation occurs when individuals "are motivated by the successes of others who are similar to themselves" (p. 274). Conversely, people are typically deterred when they see negative consequences for their peers. Finally, with self-produced motivation, individuals rely on their own personal standards, engaging in observed activities they find personally worthwhile and refusing to participate in those activities of which they disapprove. CHAPTER 11 · MASS COMMUNICATION 211 Figure 11.2 The Observational Learning Process Retention Reproduction Motivation Dual Paths of Influence Thus far, we've focused on what Bandura (2001) terms a direct path of influence. That is, the media influence viewers directly, from creating attention-getting messages, to enabling behavior, to providing incentives to replicate actions so the viewer changes her or his behavior. A second route, the socially mediated path of influence, can also link mass media to behavior-through social networks. In the socially mediated path, "media influences are used to link participants to social networks and community set- tings" (p. 285). Through these social connections, individuals receive guidance, incen- tives, and social support, making behavioral change more likely. For example, religiously watching Dr. Phil may not provide enough motivation for you to change your dead-end job or stand up to an exploitative relative. However, Dr. Phil also has resources, newslet- ters, and strategies on the show's website. Here, people can connect with a community of people with similar problems, get advice from experts, and receive referrals to therapists, ultimately providing the motivation necessary to change their lives. In this case, the media's influence is facilitated by participation in a related social network. Modeling and Media Violence As a theoretical construct, observational learning represents an impartial process; it is not inherently negative or positive. As Bandura (1977) argued, observational learning is simply a primary means by which humans learn. When applied within the realm of mass communication, however, research shows such modeled learning can be hazard- ous, particularly for viewers of media violence (Bandura, 1986). Television is one mass medium in which violent action is both common and frequently rewarded. After all, Superman doesn't save Metropolis from Lex Luther by holding a sit-in. Remember that for observational learning to occur, the first step is to gain atten- tion. Violent content can be easily found in both entertainment programs and on TV newscasts. In both cases, Bandura (1986) argued violent acts grab viewers' attention. Aggressive behaviors such as kicking, punching, stabbing, shooting, and biting are also easy to remember and reproduce, the second and third steps in the modeling process. Finally, positive motivation is easily introduced when fictitious characters as well as real-life heroes are rewarded (or not punished) for their aggression. 2 According to social cognitive theory, if viewers know how to do something, they are more likely to do it, particularly when they have positive incentives, such as getting 15 minutes of fame or getting peers' attention and respect. However, the relationship between observation and motivation is a critical determinant in the modeling process. It is not simply the observation of violence that leads one to engage in violent behavior; it is the positive reward associated with aggressive action that entices one to model observed behaviors (Bandura, 1977, 1986; Bandura, Ross, & Ross, 1963; Huesmann, Moise-Titus, Podolski, & Eron, 2003). If violent behavior is denounced, viewers are less likely to copy the aggression. Note it is not enough that "bad guys" are punished on television; many of the "good guys" are rewarded for using violence to triumph over the bad guy. Indeed, as Bandura (1986) argued, "Given that aggressive life styles are portrayed as prevalent, socially acceptable, and highly functional, it is not surprising that viewing violence is conducive to aggressive conduct" (p. 292). Social cognitive theory predicts the mass media have significant influence because humans learn observationally through a four-step process: attention, retention, motor reproduction, and motivation. For communication scholars, media producers, parents, and viewers, social cognitive theory adds a new level of complexity to TV and media. That is, if individuals are exposed to media aggression that is easily replicable and socially rewarding, viewers, particularly young audience members, are more likely to turn to such violence themselves. Much like cultivation theory, social cognitive theory has also emphasized the effects of media violence. However, recent research has applied the theory to other domains, such as the use of social media to encourage "fitspiration," a blend of fitness and thinness ideals, whereby the goal is to model, quite literally, these thin and fit values (Simpson & Mazzeo, 2017). ENCODING/DECODING THEORY At the same time American scholars were focusing on the extent to which the mass media affect their audience, scholars in other parts of the world were investigating the same issue but with a different focus. You may remember that in Chapter 2 we described the social scientific and humanistic approaches to understanding communication. We also mentioned a third perspective called a critical approach. Theories that take a critical perspective seek to uncover the extent to which communication processes create and reflect differences in power (Craig, 1999). The goal of such theories is to raise aware- ness of inequities. One critical approach that addresses media effects was created by British sociologist Stuart Hall. Most commonly called encoding/decoding theory, it is also called cultural studies, preferred reading theory, and reception theory. Assumptions of Encoding/Decoding Theory Four assumptions set the foundation for understanding encoding/decoding theory (Hall, 1973). First, Hall calls the focus of his work cultural studies rather than media studies because he believes the media are simply one mechanism for the development and dissemination of cultural ideologies. An ideology is a mental framework used to CHAPTER 11 · MASS COMMUNICATION 213 Attention APPLYING COMMUNICATION THEORY FOR PROFESSIONAL LIFE understand the world; it includes language, concepts, categories, and images we use to make sense out of our experiences (Hall, 1986). Typically, ideologies work at a low level of consciousness. Because we live in a particular culture, we tend not to notice cultural ideologies; it is akin to asking a fish to describe water. For fish, water just is. The same is true of ideologies; they are taken-for-granted truisms. Hall believes the media tend to produce messages that support the dominant ideology, meaning a view of the world that supports the status quo. For example, an essential U.S. ideology is the power of the individual. Americans believe a single person can make a difference in the world. Now consider successful U.S. novels and films such as the Hunger Games and Divergent. On the surface, both series are female empowerment action yarns. However, underneath the surface, [b]oth "Divergent" and "The Hunger Games" are fundamentally works of propaganda disguised as fantasy or science fiction. They're not propa- ganda on behalf of the left or the right, exactly, or at least not the way we generally use those words in America. They are propaganda for the ethos of individualism, the central ideology of consumer capitalism, which also undergirds both major political parties and almost all American public discourse. It's an ideology that transcends notions of left and right and permeates the entire atmosphere with the seeming naturalness of oxygen in the air. (O'Hehir, 2014, 12) O'Hehir (2014, 95) concludes that both films are "designed to remind us how grate- ful we should be to live in a society where we can be 'ourselves,' where we can enjoy unspecified and entirely vague freedoms." Hall argues mass media messages are a cultural production because they provide a means to create, challenge, reproduce, or change cultural ideologies. According to Hall (1986), the process whereby our cultural ideologies are reinforced is called articulation. The second assumption of encoding/decoding theory is that the meaning of a message is not fixed or determined entirely by the sender (Hall, 1973). In the process of encoding or creating a message, the sender typically develops a message using the signs and symbols of a cultural ideology. However, Hall suggests the interpreta- tion, or decoding, of the message is not guaranteed. Consider the 2017 Pepsi ad featuring Kendall Jenner joining a protest movement and handing a police officer a Pepsi. Many viewers believed the advertisement trivialized the Black Lives Matter movement. The ad was quickly removed, and the company posted a statement say- ing "Pepsi was trying to project a global message of unity, peace, and understanding. Clearly we missed the mark and apologize" (Victor, 2017, 12). Here is a clear case of variations in decoding. Third, encoding/decoding theory assumes all messages are encoded using an ide- ology (Hall, 1973). That is, there is no such thing as "value-free" communication. Although we might not immediately perceive the meaning system embedded into a television show, song, or movie, Hall assures us that "every language-every symbol- coincides with an ideology" (Becker, 1984, p. 72). Because we are not likely to see the presence of ideologies we endorse, however, we do not often recognize the power built into the messages. Finally, encoding/decoding theory is grounded in the belief in an active audience. Hall believes audience members can challenge the ideologies embedded in the messages they receive (Hall, 1973). Despite the level of optimism inherent in this belief, Hall does not believe recognizing and wrangling over ideology is easy. After all, it is much easier to become an unthinking recipient of media content than it is to critically confront who benefits and who loses from particular beliefs. Because he comes from a critical tradition, however, he encourages people to do so. "Reading" a Message In order to encourage a critical analysis of what we encounter in the media, the central idea of encoding/decoding theory is that even though the media present us with messages that support the dominant ideology, media consumers do not have to inter- pret the messages in this way (Hall, 1973). Hall describes three ways to interpret-or read-a message. To illustrate these ways of interpreting the message, consider President Donald Trump's campaign slogan, "Make America Great Again!" The slogan was first used by Ronald Reagan during his 1980 presidential campaign. Trump began to use it in November 2012, immediately after Barack Obama won re-election. At that time, he filed an application with the U.S. Patent and Trademark office for exclusive rights to the slogan for political purposes. The slogan was emblazoned on hats, on television com- mercials, and on his website. Keeping the slogan in mind, let's return to a consideration of the ways to interpret a message. Encoding/decoding theory says the first way an audience can interpret a message is by engaging in a preferred reading (Hall, 1973). In this case, the receiver of the message uses the dominant code (i.e., the dominant ideology) to interpret the content of the message. That is, the receiver understands and accepts the values and beliefs embedded in the message; this type of reading is considered easy and natural. In the case of the slogan "Make America Great Again!" most U.S. citizens readily understand the sentiment. One essential aspect of American ideology is American exceptional- ism, which suggests that America's history and institutions make it superior to other countries, especially to Europe (Tyrrell, 2016). The slogan clearly and explicitly links the current state of the United States to this notion of superiority, suggesting simul- taneously that being "great" is the natural state of the country, but that at present, the country is not living up to its potential. In contrast, some receivers use the negotiated code. When using the negoti- ated code, the receiver accepts the dominant ideology in general but engages in some selective interpretation in order to better fit his or her view of the world (Hall, 1973). "Essentially, the receiver only accepts the preferred meanings that he/she wants to accept, while 'misunderstanding' the meanings incompatible with his/her lifestyle" (Platt, 2004, p. 4). Individuals who read the slogan from a negotiated code might believe that America never lost its superiority; they might be part of the population that survived and even thrived during the economic downturn of 2008-2010. As such, they might buy APPLYING COMMUNICATION THEORY FOR PROFESSIONAL LIFE CHAPTER 11 · MASS COMMUNICATION 215 into American exceptionalism without considering the economic hardships that others experienced. Alternatively, some might negotiate a meaning that suggests that America is great, but so too are other countries. Anyone who has eaten in Italy, wondered at the scenery of Iceland, or shopped in Tokyo can attest that there are some pretty great aspects of other places. Finally, receivers might use the oppositional code, in which the receiver recog- nizes the ideological bias in the message (Hall, 1973). Individuals who use the oppo- sitional code identify the preferred reading, but they deconstruct the message and reconstruct it from a different point of view. Many Americans questioned the nostal- gia associated with Trump's slogan. "For Trump's base of white, working-class men without college degrees, this message resonates: This used to be a great country for them, and now they are hurting. But for most Americans, the good old days weren't actually that good, and the 'greatness' Trump talks about was delivered on the backs of large swaths of the American public. When Trump promises to 'Make America Great Again,' we should ask: Great for whom? Certainly not for women, or Americans of color, or children, or gay men, or religious minorities. In the bygone days that Trump harkens back to, it wasn't so great to be anything but a straight white Christian male." (Filipovic, 2016, 11-2). In this case, readers of the slogan interpret it as naïve at best and potentially harmful at worst. Decoding Is the Central Process Although Hall's theory is called encoding/decoding theory, the main thrust of the theory focuses on the decoding process. According to Hall, it is only when medi- ated messages are decoded that they have any meaning, and we can consider possible media effects (Hall, 1973). Hall argues most theories of mass communication ignore the decoding process because decoding tends to happen at a very low level of con- sciousness. He also points out that a full understanding of decoding is difficult because most people tend to confuse denotative and connotative meaning. Denotative mean- ing refers to a literal meaning; you might think about it as a dictionary definition. Connotative meaning refers to all associated meanings. As an example, think about the meaning of the word terrorist. As Procter (2004) points out, most people might believe they are interpreting the term in a purely objective way, but it is virtually impossible to separate the meaning of a concept from feelings about the concept, previous expe- riences associated with it, and value judgments about it. As such, it is the connotative meanings that make up an ideology. According to Hall, media effects are insidious, not necessarily because the media encode messages supportive of the status quo but because audience members who use the dominant code to read the messages over and over again eventually come to believe the dominant ideology is "not simply plausible and universal, but commonsense" (Procter, 2004, p. 67). To assist you with being able to read a media message from multiple points of view, select any text (e.g., a newscast, a magazine advertisement, a sitcom) and try to accomplish the tasks associated with each of the three codes in Figure 11.3. Figure 11.3 Questions to Answer Using Each of the Codes Dominant Code Reading Negotiated Code Reading Oppositional Code Reading . Accept the "obvious" meaning of the text (just consider the surface level) · How might the text have been constructed differently? · Who has power in the text? Whose point of view is left out altogether? · Who did what to whom, where, and when? · What are the · Look at the text connotations of the word choices? Do you agree with all of them? from a completely different point of view from your own. Oppositional Does Not Mean Against Before concluding our section on encoding/decoding theory, it is important to be clear that the term oppositional does not necessarily imply someone is against dominant values or beliefs; it simply means the individual doing an oppositional reading of a message understands the dominant ideology but chooses to interpret the message differently. When messages are reinterpreted in ways not intended by the source, new ideologies are formed and can take root (Pillai, 1992). Similarly, Hall is not concerned with a personal or isolated oppositional reading; he is con- cerned with the use of an oppositional code among social groups, with a particular focus on minority groups, as a means for increasing power (Procter, 2004). The use of an oppositional code is likely to be viewed as deviant by those who endorse a dominant ideology, but Hall endorses as a critical approach any cultural resistance that might result in political empowerment. CHAPTER 11 · MASS COMMUNICATION 217 APPLYING COMMUNICATION THEORY FOR PROFESSIONAL LIFE 216 SUMMARY AND RESEARCH APPLICATIONS In this chapter, we discussed four theories of mass media-specifically, theories about how to under- stand the power and influence of the mass media. First, agenda-setting theory states that the news media do not tell us what to think, but they do tell us what to think about. Agenda-setting theory has been applied not only to political issues, but also to social issues. Jarlenski and Barry (2013) found that the media played an important agenda- setting role in public perceptions about the health risks of trans fat. In a different realm, Marchionni (2012) found that media coverage of human traf- ficking influenced public perceptions of the prob- lem; in the United States, media coverage has focused primarily on human sex trafficking, ignor- ing the large number of children and adults who are forced into other labor and service positions. Accordingly, Americans are less likely to recog- nize the widespread problems associated with human trafficking. Our second mass media theory, the cultivation approach, suggests the social per- ceptions of individuals who watch large quantities of TV are skewed toward the reality presented on TV. In a study examining the relationship between TV viewing and attitudes about sexual violence toward women, researchers discovered daily television viewers were significantly more likely to accept rape myths-that is, the victim was promiscuous, she "asked for it" by wearing sexy clothing, or that women fabricate the crime after regretting their own misbehavior (Kahlor & Eastin, 2011). Heavy viewers were also more likely to believe rape accusations were false. For example, "one in four respondents indicated that 30% or more of rape accusations are false; only one in eight respondents accurately estimated the number of false accusations to be 5%" (p. 222). Just as agenda-setting theory extends beyond political news, cultivation theory extends beyond media violence. Cultivation research has foundthatheavyviewershavemorenegativeattitudes about immigrants (Atwell Seate & Mastro, 2016). Likewise, heavy viewers of medical dramas under- estimate the gravity of chronic illnesses such as cancer and cardiovascular disease (Chung, 2014). Discussed third, social cognitive theory is based on learning theory, specifically the idea that when individuals are cognitively aware, motivated, and physically able, they will model their behavior after esteemed others, including people or char- acters shown in the media. Kapidzic and Martins (2015) found that individuals exposed to scant- ily clad models in magazines were more likely to select profile pictures of themselves showing their body in revealing clothing. Similarly, Martins and Wilson (2012) found girls who view social aggres- sion on TV, such as verbally harassing or spread- ing gossip about a peer, are more likely to engage in these aggressive behaviors themselves. Finally, Golden and Jacoby (2017) found that girls who consumed a lot of media associated with Disney Princesses tended to engage in more stereotypi- cal, gender-based play. Lastly, Hall's encoding/decoding theory is also concerned with the power and influence of the media, contending the media develop, propa- gate, and reinforce cultural ideologies. In doing so, audience members who use the dominant code to interpret messages assume this dominant ideol- ogy is the "right" or "normal" way of viewing the world, when in fact, other interpretations exist. Perks's (2012) study of satiric and ironic comedy that implicitly pokes fun at racial differences can actually challenge the dominant ideology of racial stereotypes. She contends such critical examina- tions of ironic comedy can be used to promote media literacy because viewers can learn there are people who critically challenge these ideas. In a similar vein, Molina-Guzmán (2016) investi- gated the preferred, negotiated, and oppositional readings of the 2014-2015 media coverage of #OscarsSoWhite. APPLYING COMMUNICATION THEORY FOR PROFESSIONAL LIFE 218