Essay on Cross cultural perspectives: Death & Burial

Question

Shyamal Bikash Chakma · Accepted Answer

Introduction
The experience of birth and the knowledge that one's own life will end are two things that all humans have in common. In contrast to our eagerness to talk about topics related to new life, the topic of death is avoided with great reluctance in all societies. However, despite our shared usage of these terms, our understandings of death and how it should be dealt with vary greatly from one culture to the next. Since people might have vastly different understandings of even the most seemingly obvious concerns or events, it is imperative that every observable behavioural phenomenon be subjected to a thorough cultural investigation. An excellent illustration of cultural variation is provided by Kagawa-Singer (1998), who uses weaving as an analogy. Although weaving is practiced worldwide, the patterns that emerge from it are culturally specific and easily recognizable. Therefore, not only are the colours and patterns of Navajo, Chinese, Persian, Japanese, and French tapestries distinct from one another but so are the patterns themselves and the textures they employ. There is a wide variety of perspectives on death and dying. Therefore, the same concerns arise in both life and death. This reading explores some of the cultural variations in death and burial from a cross-cultural perspective.
Cross cultural perspectives on death
Each civilization has its own ideas about the proper manner in which a person should pass away, regardless of its own conception of death. Kellahear (1990) differentiates between an "acceptable death" and a "good death" from the perspective of the dying individual. It is generally agreed that a dignified death is low on drama, follows strict protocol, and elicits few tears. This is the vibe one get from Western hospitals and other institutional places of death. However, a decent death is defined as giving the deceased patient and their loved ones time to make the necessary societal and individual preparations before the death occurs. During this time, the dying person tries to wrap up loose ends and say their goodbyes, and the family starts making plans to move on without them. Ghana's Kwahu-Tafo believes that a person has died well if they have finished most of their goals and made peace with those around them (van der Geest, 2004). In Nigeria, obituary captions often provide insight into the person's life and achievements in the years leading up to their passing. Preambles like "with appreciation to God for a life well spent..." accompany such pictures, yet you'd never see captions like that for someone who died young or in a sad accident. However, in certain communities, a hero's death is one in which he or she sacrifices their life for their faith or nation. Such a person is honored as a martyr (Rosenblatt, 2008). Cultural differences in ideas about death and dying are significant enough to study in their own right because of their effects on people's everyday actions, attitudes toward death, level of fear of death, and funeral and grieving rituals. Suicide bombs are an extreme example of the way in which people's preconceptions about life and death can motivate their actions. This is a relatively new trend, thought to have begun in the 1980s with the Shi'ite radical Muslim group Hezbollah in Lebanon, who were inspired by Iran's deployment of human minesweepers in their fight against Iraq. Hamas and Islamic Jihad, two Palestinian factions, adopted it in 1994. At first, only a small number of people recruited the suicide missions, and they did so reluctantly. Several months of what looked like intensive brainwashing passed while they were being trained. People today openly vie for a spot on the suicide squads. Their views on death and the hereafter appear to have shifted significantly, accounting for the dramatic shift from skepticism to enthusiasm. Some Islamic teachings claim that a martyr (as the suicide bombers are termed by their fellow nationals) will have his sins forgiven when his first drop of blood is shed during combat. When he gets to paradise, he'll be able to bring 70 relatives with him and will get married to 72 gorgeous virgins (Van Biema, 2001). This is a vivid example of the way in which religion mixes with other areas of culture, even though this outlook on death is commonly linked with Islam. Furthermore, it symbolizes the way in which widespread cross-cultural and cross-group encounters, especially in the modern era of technology, have impacted religious and cultural activities all over the world. Suicide bombs seemed exclusive to the Middle East until very recently, when they suddenly became commonplace. However, millions of observant Muslims in the rest of the world were previously unaware of this trend. However, this trend has spread to places like Nigeria, where the Islamic terrorist group Boko Haram has employed suicide bombs to target churches as well as other government or emblems expressing Western values (such as the suicide bomb attack on the UN offices in Abuja, the capital) (Roggio, 2012).
Cross cultural perspectives on burial rights
Transitions and the rituals of passage they entail occur at all stages of life. In order to achieve these changes, one must relinquish the former ways of behaving, thinking, and identifying, and adopt those of your new self. The passage into the next life occurs with death. Many people view the funeral as a ceremony or a ritual, not just for the person who has passed away but also for the people who are still alive. Death is often accompanied by rituals designed to ease the suffering of the bereaved and honor the deceased. It is commonly held that there are three interconnected purposes for funeral ceremonies (Palgi, & Abramovitch, 1984; Rawski, 1988). There is a need to readjust social relationships after the death of a member of society. Getting rid of the body is the most basic purpose of the funeral. An additional psychological and sociological function of a funeral is to help people make sense of and adjust to the altered social dynamics that have emerged in the wake of a death. To add to that, the funeral is just one aspect of a larger ceremony that helps the deceased go peacefully from this world to the next. After the funeral ceremonies have been completed, members of the deceased's immediate family may perform further rites designed to smooth the transition to the afterlife. Last but not least, funerals allow the bereaved to work through their feelings of loss and remorse. Funerals, then, can offer the bereaved a range of psychologically beneficial mourning rituals, such as the chance to act out their sadness in the company of others who understand and care (Martinson, 1998). Sometimes the ceremonies are based on the character or age of the departed person. When an elderly person passes away, celebrations of their lives are often held in honor of the person's long and fruitful years. In most cultures, the passing of a child is not marked by any particularly solemn ceremonies. Most people in Korea and Taiwan are buried just a few days after they die, with little or no elaborate rites. A youngster of eight years old was cremated barely two days following his demise, with only a handful of mourners present. No black or other mourning attire was seen among the mourners. Funeral and burial traditions, like all other elements of life as well as death, are heavily impacted by a culture's beliefs in the afterlife. During the rites, the person's status shifts from alive to dead. A departed loved one's spirit may choose to stay with the living, taking on a new role as a family patriarch or matriarch, or it may choose to go home to its Creator. Bosnian Muslims, for instance, are expected to execute particular rituals using the bones of the deceased as the first stage in moving on, without which the survivors might not even believe that the person has passed. The ceremonies are said to be necessary for the departed to reach paradise (Pollack, 2003). However, among the Achuar people of eastern Ecuador, close family members of the deceased go to considerable lengths to ensure that no one remembers the deceased in any significant way. The assumption here is that most ghosts are problematic and possibly vindictive.
Additionally, it is often held that the dead are lonely and may wish to maintain contact with the living, although survivors often lack clarity regarding what the dead want (Taylor, 1993). As a result, the living engages in various rituals designed to reduce or eliminate contact with the deceased. The transition into new roles as a widow, widower, son as patriarch, or mother as matriarch often begins with funeral rites. This is a lengthy process, typically measured in years. Although the transition to the new identities may not become apparent until after the funeral, it starts as soon as it becomes clear that the family's ailing member is likely to pass away. As soon as a death is suspected, preparations are made for it, and after the death occurs, the community rallies around the family and helps them cope through its grieving rituals. A person's previous identity often does not expire with the death of a loved one. It is instead brought back to life at each memorial service held in many cultures, especially those in the developing world. As a result, these identities are continually reborn, and sorrow is regularly voiced (Kagawa-Singer, 1998). Certain relatives in various cultures are entitled to the deceased's spouse as a right of inheritance. Any future offspring of this union, however, must continue to use the surname of the deceased parent. There are many different funeral and burial traditions from culture to culture, but they all have the same goal: to comfort the bereaved after the loss of a loved one. Symbolisms employed during funeral ceremonies might vary widely, but they are particularly intriguing in the Akan area of Ghana. In Ghana, funerals are notoriously expensive, often exceeding the yearly salary of a middle-class family (Bonetti, 2010). Family members will borrow large quantities of money and accept donations in order to pay for the ultimate funeral, the success of which is determined by the number of mourners in attendance and the lavishness of the arrangements. Funerals cost a lot of money because of the need for things like service conductors, clothes, musicians, vehicles, coffins, and so on (Bonsu & Belk, 2003). The use of debut adekai, often known as fantasy coffins, is of great importance. These coffins are meant to symbolize something important to the deceased, such as the deceased's occupation, a treasured possession or an unrealized ambition. The meanings of these symbols can be interpreted in a number of different ways. Their use may extend to the reconstruction of a person's identity after death (Bonetti, 2010). The grieving widows, orphans, and anyone who has lost loved ones may find some solace in the elaborate and extravagant funeral/burial ceremonies (van der Geest, 2000). There's also the possibility that having death enshrouded in such an elaborate social ritual makes it seem less frightening and dangerous. The burial practices of other Ghanaian and African ethnic groups further illustrate the point that cultural norms surrounding dying and death vary widely. Assumptions of cultural uniformity would be both inaccurate and irresponsible.
Conclusion 
The preceding discussion has demonstrated that despite the fact that all humans are subject to mortality, conceptions of death and the ways in which people react to matters pertaining to death and burial differ greatly from culture to culture. Hence, it is imperative to say that the world is getting smaller as more people from different cultures connect with one another. Because of this, it is more important than ever to educate oneself not just on the intricacies of life, but also on the complexities of death. As a consequence of this, we will be better able to understand, respect, and gain knowledge from others whose cultural origins are distinct from our own, as well as interact with these individuals in ways that are mutually beneficial.

References
Bonetti, R. (2010). Alternate histories of the Abebuu Adekai. African Arts, 43(3),
Bonsu, S. K., & Belk, R. W. (2003). Do not go cheaply into that good night: Death-ritual consumption in Asante, Ghana. journal of consumer research, 30(1), 41-55.
Craig Evan Pollack, M. S. (2003). Intentions of burial: Mourning, politics, and memorials following the massacre at Srebrenica. Death Studies, 27(2), 125-142.
Kagawa-Singer, M. (1998, November). The cultural context of death rituals and mourning practices. In Oncology Nursing Forum (Vol. 25, No. 10, pp. 1752-1756).
Kellehear, A. (1990). Dying of cancer: the final year of life. Taylor & Francis US.
Martinson, I. M. (1998, November). Funeral rituals in Taiwan and Korea. In Oncology Nursing Forum (Vol. 25, No. 10, pp. 1756-1760).
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Van Biema, D., Hamad, J., & Moaveni, A. (2001). Why the Bombers Keep Coming. Time, 158(26), 54-54.
Van der Geest, S. (2004). Dying peacefully: considering good death and bad death in Kwahu-Tafo, Ghana. Social science & medicine, 58(5), 899-911.

Essay on Cross cultural perspectives: Death & Burial

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